{"id":26837,"date":"2022-03-09T09:59:10","date_gmt":"2022-03-09T09:59:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.globalafricasciences.org\/series-issues\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\/"},"modified":"2026-05-09T22:56:57","modified_gmt":"2026-05-09T22:56:57","slug":"decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro","status":"publish","type":"series-issues","link":"https:\/\/www.globalafricasciences.org\/fr\/issues\/numero-1\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\/","title":{"rendered":"Decolonising the Politics of Climate Disasters in the Senegal Estuary: Adaptive Practices Between the \u201cVanishing Past\u201d and the \u201cNear Future\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The governance of coastal zones has been on the agenda of major international organisations since the end of the twentieth century (Bill\u00e9 et al., 2006, 2007), and, with the rise of the climate change issue, has become an object of study of the highest order (Rockstrom et al., 2009; IPCC, 2014; Steffen et al., 2015). Coastal areas are highly populated areas characterised by a marked increase in socio-economic inequalities (Gupta & Bavinck, 2017). They constitute a set of vulnerable socio-ecosystems threatened by a number of risks: rising sea levels, changes in currents, winds and waves, acculturation dynamics and possible \u201cmaladaptation\u201d policies (Grinsted et al., 2009; Magnan et al., 2016) developed in the name of securing potentially affected territories[1]<\/sup><\/a>. <\/p>\n\n

In the north of Senegal, the Senegal River estuary has become one of the areas where hydrological risks accumulate and is under particular scrutiny due to the anthropisation dynamics at work (Sy et al., 2015; Ballouche et al., 2019), besides the impacts of climate change (Vedeld & Coly 2015; Ba, 2019). The analysis of the governance of these consequences, which involves a complex interplay of different dimensions due to the deployment of various development policies within and between the states sharing the Senegal River waters since independence, directly challenges social sciences: what collective action models should be deployed in order to make the estuarine zone development trajectory sustainable? More specifically, as the decisions taken in response to the disastrous consequences of the opening of a breach in the Langue de Barbarie in 2003 have not been taking into account the fact that it did not constitute a \u201cdisruptive\u201d episode (Parsons et al., 2019) likely to reorient the management of the estuarine system (or even worsen the situation), it is proposed that the nature of the changes to be made to the estuarine zone governance in order to make it more \u201cresilient\u201d be questioned (Pelling & Blackburn, 2013). <\/p>\n\n

Such a problem approach requires the development of a multi-scalar, spatial and temporal analysis, while taking the city of Saint-Louis as the central level and deploying infra-urban (Ndiaye governance) and supra- urban (Senegal estuary governance) analyses around it. Beyond this methodological challenge, it is a matter of mobilizing the approach based on the \u201cpolitics of disaster\u201d (Dill & Pelling, 2010) in order to shed light on the inertial logics at work and identify the means of resolving them. This approach seems essential to us insofar as it seeks to understand environmental disasters as socio-political constructs: I) whose occurrence can be understood with regard to the historical development trajectory of the socio-ecosystem under consideration, and II) which adaptive policies attempt to manage by constructing, in the face of the emergence of possible claims by the impacted populations, the socio-technical conditions for a secure future (in the short, medium and long term[2]<\/sup><\/a>). <\/p>\n\n

Based on a longitudinal study of the development dynamics of the estuary around Saint- Louis (see methodological box), we propose to extend the results produced by this approach by developing an analysis based on the temporalities conflict that affects protagonists in the region studied. Faced with the local and regional authorities\u2019 temporal framing, which is envisioned according to a logic that articulates the \u201cextended past\u201d and the \u201cdistant future\u201d[3]<\/sup><\/a>, we will attempt to inform and shed analytical light on the ordinary practices that aim to link the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d in an inclusive manner (Guyer, 2008). <\/p>\n\n

The objective of this research is therefore to examine the strategies and modalities of action that make it possible to contain the wrongs associated with imported development logics (i.e. impregnated with expert rationality). In particular, it will be a matter of seeing to what extent and under what conditions it is possible to promote the emergence of \u201cindigenous\u201d logics (Makondo & Thomas, 2018) aimed at \u201chealing the en-common\u201d (common good) (Seck, 2017). Far from aiming to integrate this knowledge, which is deemed largely irreducible, it is more a case of thinking about the conditions for \u201crelationships-based\u201d collaborative action and potentially contributing to the emergence of viable and acceptable solutions (Lloyd et al., 2012; Sarr, 2017[4]<\/sup><\/a>). Such an analysis requires a thorough territorial understanding, positioned between the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d (Guyer, 2008) and a precise analysis of the tensions generated[5]<\/sup><\/a> by the play of spatiotemporal scales. <\/p>\n\n

In order to answer this question, we propose to unfold the Saint-Louis region\u2019s \u201curban scene\u201d (Decrop et al., 1997[6]<\/sup><\/a>) in a multi-scale perspective by proceeding with a geophysical and political-institutional characterisation of the territorial space concerned, and then by inserting the analysis of the urban between the infra (neighborhood) and supra (estuarine zone) levels. Postulating that transitional dynamics cannot do without a critical analysis of temporalities (Kolinjivadi et al., 2020), we will redeploy the arrow of time (Howitt, 2020) in order to identify strategies for decolonizing the Anthropocene and indigenising the near future (Whyte, 2017). <\/p>\n\n

Encadr\u00e9 m\u00e9thodologique<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n

The empirical data used in this article are derived from field surveys conducted during a period of \u201cobservatory residence\u201d in the Senegal River estuary. The approach used is qualitative[7]<\/sup><\/a>. Qualitative methods do not aim to produce representative data, i.e. data that can be generalized to a social group. Qualitative research is particularly appropriate when the social phenomena observed are difficult to measure (Sawadago, 2020). This article is part of this perspective: it aims to decipher the alternative knowledge held by local communities living in the Senegal River estuary. From this perspective, it is difficult to measure informants\u2019 perceptions, imaginaries, myths, dreams, and cosmogonies. What matters most is to try to understand and grasp their meaning and symbolism. Thus, semi- structured interviews were used to inform our interview matrix (Table 1). <\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n

Tableau 1. L\u2019\u00e9chantillon de la matrice d\u2019entretien (Ba, 2020). <\/strong><\/p>\n\n

Pour am\u00e9liorer ce mat\u00e9riel, nous avons r\u00e9alis\u00e9 des focus groups. Ces derniers sont des discussions ouvertes qui se d\u00e9roulent en suivant une s\u00e9rie de questions jug\u00e9es percutantes adress\u00e9e \u00e0 des interlocuteurs. L\u2019objectif est de stimuler l\u2019interaction entre les participants (Kitzinger, 1994). \u00c0 la diff\u00e9rence des entretiens semi-directifs, ils permettent de valoriser des expressions d\u2019id\u00e9es au sein d\u2019une communaut\u00e9. La communication entre les informateurs qui participent au focus group est le c\u0153ur des repr\u00e9sentations sociales. \u00ab\u2009Nous pensons avec nos bouches\u2009\u00bb, disait Moscovici (1984). La fabrique des id\u00e9es, des croyances et des opinions, se trouve dans la communication. Pour organiser des focus groups, nous nous sommes inspir\u00e9s de la grille d\u2019analyse de Moscovici et nous l\u2019avons adapt\u00e9e aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s culturelles et traditionnelles de notre territoire d\u2019\u00e9tude. Nous avons ainsi saisi un moment opportun en milieu rural pour r\u00e9unir des citoyens (un bapt\u00eame au sein d\u2019une communaut\u00e9 villageoise enqu\u00eat\u00e9e par exemple). Les entretiens semi-directifs et les focus groups ont cibl\u00e9 principalement les services publics, les communaut\u00e9s villageoises, les collectivit\u00e9s locales et une ONG. Au final, nous avons interrog\u00e9 53 individus (entretiens semi-directifs et focus groups) sur deux missions de terrain dans la r\u00e9gion de Saint-Louis pendant huit mois de r\u00e9sidence entre 2015 et 2017. <\/p>\n\n

Enfin, nous avons opt\u00e9 pour la retranscription de la totalit\u00e9 des entretiens. Pour la protection des informateurs, nous avons anonymis\u00e9 les personnes interrog\u00e9es, en cr\u00e9ant des pr\u00e9noms fictifs (des hommes et des femmes). Par contre, les structures identifi\u00e9es, tout comme les profils des informateurs, ne sont pas rendues anonymes. Les donn\u00e9es collect\u00e9es sur le terrain sont crois\u00e9es \u00e0 des faits stylis\u00e9s hydroclimatiques, socio-\u00e9conomiques, historiques et politiques qui continuent de fa\u00e7onner le paysage de l\u2019embouchure du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal. <\/p>\n\n

Situer la sc\u00e8ne\u2009: Saint-Louis dans son socio-\u00e9cosyst\u00e8me<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n

The city of Saint-Louis\u2014as a former political capital, a remarkable site listed as a World Heritage Site (since 2000) and the region\u2019s main settlement centre\u2014proves to be particularly exposed to a number of hazards. These are partly inherited from a singular geophysical position, but also produced by a development trajectory that is not quite sustainable. We propose to revisit this process of \u201caccumulation of hydraulic risks\u201d by deploying a multi- scale analysis (from the estuarine region to Gandiol) in order to put into perspective the diversity of issues that question its development. <\/p>\n\n

L\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal\u2009: caract\u00e9ristiques g\u00e9ophysiques<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n\n

Le fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal est l\u2019un des grands socio-\u00e9cosyst\u00e8mes de la fa\u00e7ade atlantique de l\u2019Afrique de l\u2019Ouest. Il descend des massifs gr\u00e9seux du Fouta Djalon puis traverse le plateau mandingue. Il r\u00e9sulte de la confluence de deux branches m\u00e8res (le Bafing et le Bakoye) \u00e0 Bafoulab\u00e9. \u00c0 partir de Bafoulab\u00e9, le fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal se dirige vers le nord-est en passant par Kayes. Long de plus de 1\u2009700 km, il draine un bassin-versant de 290\u2009000 km\u00b2 dans les territoires du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal (21\u2009000 km\u00b2), du Mali (155\u2009000 km\u00b2), de la Guin\u00e9e (31\u2009000 km\u00b2) et de la Mauritanie (75\u2009000 km\u00b2) (figure 1). <\/p>\n\n

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Figure 1. L\u2019espace g\u00e9ographique du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal <\/strong><\/p>\n\n

The Senegal River estuary is confined to a small area between the Diama dam and the Langue de Barbarie sandbar. Before the Diama dam was impounded (1986), the saline rise was noticeable, during low-water periods, as far as Podor, about 300 km from the mouth. <\/p>\n\n

The Senegal estuary is limited today, upstream, by the Diama anti-salt dam, provided its gates remain closed; and downstream, by its mouth, an outlet through which marine waters flow back into the river. The Senegal River estuary belongs to the category of microtidal lagoon estuaries closed by a sandy spit. The Langue de Barbarie is oriented north-south and stretches for nearly 40 km over a width varying from 200 to 400 m. The swell plays a fundamental role in the coastline\u2019s morphology. The Senegalese-Mauritanian coastline, as far as the Cape Verde peninsula, is classified as a high-energy swell coast. North-western swells provide a significant sand transport that contributes to the propagation of the Langue de Barbarie (Figure 3). <\/p>\n\n

Natural breaks in the barrier beach have marked the evolution of the Langue de Barbarie (LB) from 1850 until recently, with 24 breaks between 1850 and 1980 (Sall, 2006). At that time, it seems to go along a cycle evaluated at between 11 and 14 years. The most important breaches since 1900 (1906, 1923, 1936, 1948, 1959 and 1973) have always occurred south of the city of Saint-Louis (Diop, 2004). They have kept the river mouth very distinctly south of the city for more than half a century and had an important role in the risk of flooding. For a time, they could mitigate the impact of floods on the city by encouraging a more rapid evacuation of the river water towards the ocean until the breach was closed (by the combined contributions of the littoral drift and the river) and the southward progression resumed. No natural rupture has occurred since 1973. This can be explained by a combination of two factors: i) an absence of major floods between the 1950s and 1990s, associated with a \u201cclimatic downturn\u201d; ii) a reduction in the \u201cflushing effect\u201d of floods since the construction of the Diama dam in 1986, which allows for some regulation of flows (Kane, 2002; Sy et al., 2013; Ba, 2013). The artificial opening of the Langue de Barbarie in 2003 in response to a critical hydraulic situation (repeated flooding) is a singular event that needs to be understood in all its complexity in order to grasp its possible \u201cdisruptive\u201d potential. <\/p>\n\n

L\u2019\u00e9pisode de l\u2019ouverture de la br\u00e8che de Saint-Louis en 2003<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n\n

Saint-Louis est situ\u00e9e sur la c\u00f4te septentrionale du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal (la Grande-C\u00f4te), \u00e0 400 km au nord de Dakar. Ses activit\u00e9s reposent sur la p\u00eache et le tourisme. L\u2019attrait de ses plages et son riche pass\u00e9 colonial en font en effet l\u2019un des principaux p\u00f4les touristiques du pays. Son site pr\u00e9sente pourtant de fortes contraintes. Saint-Louis s\u2019est d\u00e9velopp\u00e9e dans un environnement profond\u00e9ment marqu\u00e9 par l\u2019eau\u2009: \u00e9difi\u00e9e sur une \u00eele qui \u00e9merge \u00e0 peine audessus du niveau des eaux au milieu du fleuve, elle appara\u00eet particuli\u00e8rement vuln\u00e9rable. Le retour des crues \u00e0 la fin du vingti\u00e8me si\u00e8cle va en \u00eatre un r\u00e9v\u00e9lateur cruel. <\/p>\n\n

Apr\u00e8s la grande crue d\u2019octobre 1999, l\u2019hivernage 2003 a \u00e9t\u00e9 marqu\u00e9 par une nouvelle crue importante, li\u00e9e \u00e0 une forte pluviom\u00e9trie dans le bassin du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal (Mietton & Dumas, 2006\u2009; Durand et al., 2010). Cette forte pluviom\u00e9trie entra\u00eene une premi\u00e8re onde de crue d\u00e8s le d\u00e9but du mois d\u2019ao\u00fbt, mais qui est \u00e9cr\u00eat\u00e9e par le barrage de Diama (ce qui pr\u00e9serve temporairement Saint-Louis des inondations). Toutefois, les fortes pr\u00e9cipitations persistant dans tout le bassin-versant, l\u2019eau demeure \u00e0 un niveau \u00e9lev\u00e9 les jours suivants. Le seuil d\u2019inondation \u00e0 Saint-Louis (1,2 m) est d\u00e9pass\u00e9 \u00e0 partir du 8 septembre et l\u2019eau monte progressivement lors des jours suivants pour atteindre 1,35 m le 28 septembre et se maintenir \u00e0 1,33 m jusqu\u2019au 4 octobre. Il en r\u00e9sulte de tr\u00e8s fortes inondations, \u00e0 la fois dans la ville moderne et sur la rive orientale du fleuve et de la cit\u00e9 coloniale. Dans cette derni\u00e8re, l\u2019eau se propage \u00e0 partir des zones, les plus basses, du nord et de l\u2019est de l\u2019\u00eele. Il y a plus pr\u00e9occupant encore: la mont\u00e9e de la crue risque d\u2019entra\u00eener l\u2019ouverture naturelle d\u2019une br\u00e8che \u00e0 la racine de la Langue de Barbarie (Sy, 2006), soit \u00e0 5 km au nord de la ville, ce qui constituerait une menace pour tous les quartiers situ\u00e9s imm\u00e9diatement au sud. <\/p>\n\n

Dans un contexte de pression de plus en plus forte venant de la part de la population, exasp\u00e9r\u00e9e par la r\u00e9p\u00e9tition des inondations lors des ann\u00e9es pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes et par le maintien d\u2019un niveau \u00e9lev\u00e9 des eaux pendant plus d\u2019un mois, les autorit\u00e9s locales d\u00e9cident d\u2019agir le plus rapidement possible (Diop, 2004).<\/p>\n\n

Le 1er octobre 2003, la municipalit\u00e9 de SaintLouis avertit les autorit\u00e9s nationales et les gestionnaires de la Direction de l\u2019am\u00e9nagement hydraulique de l\u2019ampleur des inondations pr\u00e9sentes et \u00e0 venir dans la ville. Elle demande la prise d\u2019une mesure en urgence pour faire baisser le niveau des eaux. Apr\u00e8s une br\u00e8ve reconnaissance sur le terrain, une br\u00e8che artificielle de 4 m de large sur 1,5 m de profondeur est cr\u00e9\u00e9e le 3 octobre dans la Langue de Barbarie, \u00e0 7 km au sud du pont Faidherbe, l\u00e0 o\u00f9 la fl\u00e8che littorale \u00e9tait la plus mince, atteignant une largeur de 100 m\u00e8tres environ (Kane, 2002\u2009; Ba, 2013\u2009; Sy, 2015). <\/p>\n\n

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Figure 2. Gandiol, un territoire expos\u00e9 aux al\u00e9as. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n

The various works carried out in this sector have shown that the breach very quickly played the role assigned to it. In the space of 48 hours, the river\u2019s level dropped by nearly 0.50 m, falling back below the 1 m level, and it then gradually decreased by a further 0.40 m within about ten days. At the same time, the breach widened. Its width increased from 4 m on October 3 to 80 m by the 5th and 330 m, less than three weeks later. In the months that followed, stronger swells during the dry season increased the erosion on the southern shore. Eight months after its opening, the width of the breach finally reached almost 800m. It is now more than 5 km wide (Ndour et al., 2018). <\/p>\n\n

La d\u00e9cision politique prise en urgence a donc profond\u00e9ment modifi\u00e9 le comportement hydrologique du fleuve \u00e0 Saint-Louis. L\u2019accroissement de la sensibilit\u00e9 des zones urbanis\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019al\u00e9a submersion est \u00e9tabli. Les apports s\u00e9dimentaires dans les estuaires ne sont en effet g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement pas suffisants pour compenser l\u2019\u00e9l\u00e9vation de la mer, mis \u00e0 part l\u00e0 o\u00f9 les s\u00e9diments peuvent se d\u00e9poser librement (zones de vasi\u00e8res littorales non anthropis\u00e9es) (Paskoff, 2006). De plus, depuis son ouverture, la br\u00e8che ne s\u2019est toujours pas stabilis\u00e9e, avec notamment une dynamique combinant \u00e9largissement et mouvement d\u2019ensemble vers le sud en direction du Gandiol o\u00f9 le village de Doun Baba Dieye a d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e9t\u00e9 effac\u00e9 en 2010. D\u2019autres localit\u00e9s plus au sud sont donc expos\u00e9es. On pr\u00e9sente les diff\u00e9rents enjeux auxquels sont confront\u00e9es les populations autochtones concern\u00e9es. <\/p>\n\n

Des populations autochtones expos\u00e9es : le cas du Gandiol<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n\n

Gandiol is located in the extreme north of the Niayes, about ten kilometres from Saint- Louis. Occupying the dead arm banks, it benefits from the last few kilometres of the Senegal River. The name Gandiol comes from the Wolof vocabulary \u201cGaayi Ndiol\u201d, which literally means \u201cthe Ndiol guys\u201d in French. The origin of the word confirms that the first residents were Wolofs. The Wolofs are the majority, with 65% of the population, followed by the Peulhs, with about 25% and finally the Moors, with 10%. There are also other ethnic groups working seasonally in the area. These are the \u201cSourgas\u201d who come mainly from neighbouring countries: Gambia, Mali, Guinea Bissau, etc. This settlement was facilitated by favourable environmental conditions. According to the administrative census carried out by the former rural council, the Ndi\u00e9b\u00e9ne Gandiol commune has a total of about 20,000 inhabitants, or a density of 106 inhabitants per square kilometre. Today, most of the population is concentrated in the west. <\/p>\n\n

Hydrologically, the Gandiol is a straight channel, bordered on the right bank by the Barbarie dune belt and on the left bank by a rather diffuse lagoons network, which constitute ancient fossilised mangrove landscapes. From a pedological point of view, a quaternary sandy material covers most of the Senegalese territory (a succession of dunes of different ages, textures and colours). Climatically, rainfall is brought by the monsoon flow from the south, which comes from the St Helena anticyclone. It is not very abundant and rarely exceeds 350 mm\/year. The evolution of the population and the area is explained by the proximity of the depressions, which allow for agricultural practices (market gardening), but also by its openness to the river and the Atlantic Ocean, favouring the development of fishing activities. <\/p>\n\n

La r\u00e9gion du Gandiol appara\u00eet donc comme une zone \u00e9conomique et environnementale strat\u00e9gique\u2009: les secteurs du mara\u00eechage, de la p\u00eache et du tourisme d\u00e9pendent de mani\u00e8re de plus en plus prononc\u00e9e des conditions climatiques et g\u00e9ophysiques et demandent \u00e0 \u00eatre de nouveau pens\u00e9s pour nourrir des transitions soutenables (Sall, 2006). Le potentiel de d\u00e9veloppement de cette r\u00e9gion a \u00e9t\u00e9 impact\u00e9 par l\u2019ouverture de la br\u00e8che sur la Langue de Barbarie en 2003. Si la rive nord de la br\u00e8che, actuellement en reconstruction naturelle, appara\u00eet comme le p\u00f4le principal d\u2019\u00e9quilibre de la Langue de Barbarie, la situation est plus probl\u00e9matique au sud. Dans la partie m\u00e9ridionale, la br\u00e8che continue en effet sa migration vers sa position d\u2019avant 2003, naturellement dans le sens de la d\u00e9rive littorale. Cette migration se superpose \u00e0 un \u00e9largissement de la gueule caus\u00e9e par une \u00e9rosion plus rapide (au sud) contre une s\u00e9dimentation plus lente (nord). Ce mouvement m\u00e9ridional s\u2019accompagne de dommages collat\u00e9raux (\u00e9rosion, salinisation) et voue une partie des habitations de certaines localit\u00e9s comme Pilote Barre et Tassini\u00e8re \u00e0 la disparition. Ces menaces potentielles justifient des mesures fines de calibrages de politiques adaptatives afin de s\u00e9curiser les populations potentiellement impact\u00e9es (Sy, 2015). Avant d\u2019envisager quelles formes ces derni\u00e8res peuvent prendre, revenons sur l\u2019environnement institutionnel qui cadre l\u2019action des pouvoirs publics et qui est susceptible de nous informer sur les capacit\u00e9s de r\u00e9silience ou sur les points de blocage (verrous) des acteurs de la gouvernance des diff\u00e9rents syst\u00e8mes impact\u00e9s. <\/p>\n\n

Encadrer la sc\u00e8ne\u2009: l\u2019action publique au prisme d\u2019un environnement institutionnel d\u00e9faillant<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

The socio-political dynamics that have accompanied the development of Senegal\u2019s institutional framework since the country\u2019s independence in 1960 have been widely documented (Piveteau, 2005; Diop, 2006; Tour\u00e9, 2012). Renewing our multi-scale analysis, we return to the socio-political and economic characteristics of the Senegalese state\u2019s development trajectory, before outlining the stylised contemporary facts specific to Saint- Louis region and city. The institutional dynamics thereby outlined make it possible to understand why the opening of the breach in 2003 did not constitute a \u201cdisruptive event\u201d (Dill & Pelling, 2010) capable of changing the estuary\u2019s governance and overcoming the rampant inertia. In the light of a more generic history of Senegalese institutions, we introduce a few factual elements by organising them by scalar issue (from national to local) before proposing a heuristic synthesis borrowing from the relational risk structuring approach (Brown et al., 2018)[8]<\/sup><\/a>. <\/p>\n\n

Une dynamique socio-politique fortement inertielle<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

A brief description of the political and economic regulatory modes deployed after decolonisation highlights the consolidation of a bureaucracy based on a logic of social and political pacification to the detriment of economic performance (Diop, 2006). Emphasis is thus placed on the management of L\u00e9opold S\u00e9dar Senghor\u2019s legacy by his successors and on the importance of structural adjustment programmes in the administration of central public institutions (Piveteau, 2005). By reinforcing the regime\u2019s dependence on the outside world, these programmes exacerbated social tensions. In particular, they deteriorated the lowest and middle classes\u2019 incomes. As a result, political and trade union struggles intensified during the 1990s and, at the same time, the regime faced increasing difficulties in gaining the support of the confreres. Despite the implementation of sophisticated political procedures and experienced personnel, the central power gradually lost control of the political and economic situation (electoral defeat in March 2000). The episode of 2003 therefore occurred within a new era. <\/p>\n\n

The question asked after the changeover was whether the new leaders gathered around Abdoulaye Wade would\u2014or would not\u2014break with the mode of government that had characterised Senegal from Senghor to Abdou Diouf. The answer proposed by some observers suggests a continuity in the approach of the three Senegalese presidents marked by the following features: a predominant presidential power thanks to political and administrative centralisation, a clientelist logic, the co-option of political personalities likely to reinforce the presidential leadership, and a constant concern to promote the President\u2019s image on the international scene because of the regime\u2019s strong dependence on external resources (Diop, 2006). On the economic front, the central government inherited a relatively healthier macroeconomic framework than in the early 1990s. With the increase in state tax revenues, the Bretton Woods institutions no longer have any reason to maintain one of the measures of the structural adjustment programmes under Abdou Diouf: strict control of the wage bill. The ruling class thus proceeded to significant recruitments and granted salary increases and significant benefits. However, this redistribution has remained selective. <\/p>\n\n

Ces caract\u00e9ristiques g\u00e9n\u00e9rales, qui se retrouvent notamment transpos\u00e9es dans les dispositifs de r\u00e9gulation et de gouvernance environnementale (voir tableau 2, encadr\u00e9s A et B), permettent de comprendre pourquoi le contexte institutionnel et la configuration des pouvoirs du d\u00e9but des ann\u00e9es 2000 ne pr\u00e9paraient pas \u00e0 un d\u00e9veloppement \u00ab\u2009adaptatif\u2009\u00bb au niveau macro\u00e9conomique\u2009: les protagonistes n\u2019\u00e9taient pas en mesure de sp\u00e9cifier des politiques du d\u00e9sastre climatique pertinentes malgr\u00e9 l\u2019importance et l\u2019imminence des enjeux. Descendons alors d\u2019un niveau et voyons dans quelles mesures l\u2019\u00c9tat s\u00e9n\u00e9galais s\u2019est engag\u00e9 dans un processus de d\u00e9centralisation et quels ont \u00e9t\u00e9 les effets produits par les r\u00e9formes engag\u00e9es en mati\u00e8re de gouvernance r\u00e9gionale et locale. <\/p>\n\n

Action publique et d\u00e9veloppement local\u2009: une fragmentation institutionnelle persistante<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

In Senegal, the decentralisation policy inaugurated in 1960 has been severely tested by the state\u2019s inhibiting logic, despite the rich pre-colonial experience that has been gained. Indeed, as Ibrahima Tour\u00e9 has noted, \u201cthe decentralisation policy is not new; it has an endogenous history that is very often omitted by researchers in the social, legal and political sciences when they approach the analysis of the political and administrative system of the Senegalese State\u201d (Tour\u00e9, 2012)[9]<\/sup><\/a>. The decentralisation policy reached rural areas in 1972 and promoted setting up rural communities through administrative, territorial and local reforms. The creation of the regions occurred in 1996, with the adoption of the Code of Local Authorities and the transfer of powers to local councils. <\/p>\n\n

However, the effects of these reforms have proved to be limited: the helpless administrative capacity of local institutions and their conflicting relations with the state are evidence of the state\u2019s constant control over territorial public management (Piveteau, 2005).<\/p>\n\n

Comme l\u2019a ainsi r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 Tour\u00e9\u2009:<\/p>\n\n

\n

In many local authorities, the State influences the deliberations of local councils and exercises a number of powers, even when they have been transferred. It is true that the Senegalese State has implemented many projects and programmes of national scope but, however large the allocations, the evaluation shows that the progress made in terms of transferring resources has been scant overall. (Tour\u00e9, 2011, p. 810) <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

Une analyse r\u00e9aliste de la situation des finances locales donne en outre \u00e0 penser que les budgets des collectivit\u00e9s territoriales s\u00e9n\u00e9galaises sont d\u2019une affligeante pauvret\u00e9. Le secteur de la protection de l\u2019environnement et des risques naturels en est la parfaite illustration (voir tableau 2, encadr\u00e9 D). <\/p>\n\n

Les \u00e9cueils \u00e9nonc\u00e9s n\u2019autorisent toutefois pas \u00e0 minorer les multiples efforts internes des \u00c9tats pour la d\u00e9mocratisation et la construction du d\u00e9veloppement au niveau local. Il y a peu de doute sur l\u2019id\u00e9e que les gouvernances d\u00e9centralis\u00e9es inaugur\u00e9es ont constitu\u00e9 des pas importants \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019espaces publics en Afrique. Certains acquis en mati\u00e8re de d\u00e9mocratie participative sont ind\u00e9niables (Piveteau, 2005). Malgr\u00e9 tout, l\u2019\u00e9dification d\u2019une d\u00e9mocratie de d\u00e9l\u00e9gation renouvel\u00e9e, notamment en mati\u00e8re de protection de l\u2019environnement et de risques naturels, ne s\u2019est pas concr\u00e9tis\u00e9e (tableau 2, encadr\u00e9s C et D). Pour que naissent une d\u00e9centralisation et une gouvernance locale robustes, il appara\u00eet essentiel de \u00ab\u2009surmonter les nombreuses contradictions que l\u2019\u00c9tat continue toujours de camoufler\u2009\u00bb (Tour\u00e9, 2012). Ainsi, m\u00eame s\u2019il s\u2019est poursuivi en 2016 par un \u00ab\u2009acte III\u2009\u00bb visant \u00e0 corriger les dysfonctionnements ant\u00e9rieurs (Sene, 2019), l\u2019exercice de la d\u00e9centralisation au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal n\u2019est pas parvenu \u00e0 g\u00e9n\u00e9rer une plus grande promotion des libert\u00e9s locales et un contexte d\u2019interaction entre protagonistes favorable \u00e0 la confrontation \u00ab\u2009productive\u2009\u00bb de visions et savoirs distincts (Diop, 2006\u2009; Tour\u00e9, 2012\u2009; Sene, 2019). Voyons comment se d\u00e9cline cet enjeu \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9chelon local de Saint-Louis. <\/p>\n\n

Le champ de la gouvernance urbaine contemporaine\u2009: des dynamiques reproductrices in\u00e9galitaires<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

Dans des contextes d\u2019action locale largement d\u00e9termin\u00e9s par les logiques de d\u00e9centralisation, la valorisation des ressources a \u00e9t\u00e9 largement r\u00e9alis\u00e9e par \u00ab\u2009la courroie des ONG\u2009\u00bb\u2009:<\/p>\n\n

\n

Ces derni\u00e8res, pr\u00e9sentes d\u00e8s l\u2019aube de la d\u00e9colonisation, portaient \u00e0 l\u2019origine des projets alternatifs qui ob\u00e9issaient \u00e0 la volont\u00e9 de rendre supportable une domination coloniale largement n\u00e9gatrice de la dignit\u00e9 des colonis\u00e9s. Elles se sont ensuite inspir\u00e9es aux ind\u00e9pendances d\u2019une id\u00e9ologie tiers-mondiste partag\u00e9e \u00e0 travers le monde (Hours, 2003). <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

The context of independence thereby favoured their proliferation and the promotion of local development (Fall, 2011).<\/p>\n\n

En mati\u00e8re de protection de l\u2019environnement, elles ont progressivement nou\u00e9 des collaborations avec diff\u00e9rents \u00e9chelons de r\u00e9gulation (voir tableau 2, encadr\u00e9 C).<\/p>\n\n

Today, in the context of local development, Saint-Louis has a more or less dense presence of NGOs. The latter mainly work with the population of small-scale operators (Coly et al., 2018) and aim to improve their financial, managerial and entrepreneurial conditions in a spirit of partnership. However, regardless of their origins and the sectors invested in, the spirit of partnership put forward in NGOs\u2019 discourse is slow to materialise in their interventions. Through the financing and capacity-building operations through which they intend to achieve their objectives (Sene, 2019), they are liable to discredit economic actors (organised artisans) and, in so doing, \u201cthey subject city actors\u2019 efforts to Western- inspired global standards\u201d (Fall, 2011). <\/p>\n\n

Encouraged by Act III of decentralisation to be closer to local actors, NGOs do not necessarily contribute to a better approach to the socio-economic realities that need to be transformed[10]<\/sup><\/a>. For some observers, \u201cthey continue to envision the socio-economic space in a way that accompanies the reproduction of the patterns that gave rise to the current situations\u201d (Fall, 2011). This author goes on to highlight: <\/p>\n\n

La valorisation des ressources du terroir [qui] reste guid\u00e9e par une mani\u00e8re unique de comprendre et de faire la soci\u00e9t\u00e9. C\u2019est que le d\u00e9veloppement local reste du d\u00e9veloppement et ce dernier, quels que soient les qualificatifs qu\u2019on lui accole, s\u2019ent\u00eate \u00e0 diffuser les normes et les pratiques qui rendent compte de sa perp\u00e9tuelle et jusqu\u2019ici vaine remise en question. (Fall 2011) <\/p>\n\n

Le pluralisme des normes \u2013 reste donc bien in\u00e9galitaire. Au final, au regard des politiques de d\u00e9veloppement qui la fa\u00e7onnent (top-down et bottom-up)\u2009: <\/p>\n\n

[La r\u00e9gion de Saint-Louis] n\u2019est pas appr\u00e9hend\u00e9e comme le produit d\u2019une histoire exigeant des ruptures [sociales-\u00e9cologiques] dans la mani\u00e8re de la transformer, mais reste per\u00e7ue comme devant prolonger une histoire qui, jusqu\u2019ici, n\u2019a fait qu\u2019invalider et restructurer les identit\u00e9s (sociales, politiques, \u00e9conomiques) des groupes sociaux qui y vivent (Fall 2011).<\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n

Table 2. Socio-institutional bottlenecks to adaptive policies in the St. Louis region: a synthesis (based on the analytical framework proposed by Brown et al. 2018). (See below, end of article) <\/strong><\/p>\n\n

By way of synthesis, mobilising an approach in terms of relational structuring, inspired by comparable work carried out by R. Brown et al. (2018) on the Asian continent, may prove useful. It shows that the co-construction of a strategic capacity to specify relevant and coherent climate disaster policies in the Saint-Louis region comes up against conservative dynamic practices: the latter contribute to reducing the transformative power of the \u201cinstitutional work\u201d (R. Brown et al., 2018) undertaken at the local level and to reinforcing the institutional structuring and power configuration in place at higher scales (see Table 1, boxes C and D). The relationship with \u201cexpert\u201d knowledge and power, particularly in the specification of adaptive planning in the face of climate change, thus remains paramount and becomes problematic insofar as it participates in the reproduction of a decision- making system characterised by glaring \u201cmaladjustment\u201d (Magnan et al., 2016). <\/p>\n\n

\u0152uvrer \u00e0 une \u00e9cologie politique des savoirs qui participerait \u00e0 un d\u00e9verrouillage de ce syst\u00e8me et ouvrirait la voie \u00e0 des alternatives fond\u00e9es sur une reconnaissance\/valorisation des savoirs pratiques autochtones semble donc \u00eatre une \u00e9tape incontournable. Cette derni\u00e8re permettrait ainsi d\u2019informer des transitions soutenables \u00e0 m\u00eame d\u2019infl\u00e9chir la trajectoire de d\u00e9veloppement historique dans la r\u00e9gion de Saint-Louis. Une telle dynamique socio-politique passe selon nous par la r\u00e9\u00e9mergence d\u2019un futur \u00ab\u2009proche\u2009\u00bb (Guyer, 2007) et \u00ab\u2009indig\u00e9n\u00e9is\u00e9\u2009\u00bb (White, 2017) sous l\u2019effet de la confrontation productive d\u2019une pluralit\u00e9 de savoirs d\u00e9tenus par les protagonistes locaux. <\/p>\n\n

Refonder la sc\u00e8ne\u2009: \u00e9cologie politique des savoirs, pluriversalisme et futur proche soutenable<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n

Survenant au cours d\u2019une s\u00e9quence socio-politique prolongeant des pratiques peu transformatrices d\u2019une classe politique traditionnellement coup\u00e9e du local, la \u00ab\u2009crise\u2009\u00bb de l\u2019ouverture d\u2019une br\u00e8che artificielle n\u2019a pas constitu\u00e9 un tipping point dans la mani\u00e8re de mener des \u00ab\u2009politiques du d\u00e9sastre\u2009\u00bb soutenables sur le territoire urbain de Saint-Louis (Dill & Pelling, 2010). Ainsi, malgr\u00e9 les effets d\u00e9sastreux produits par l\u2019intervention publique de 2003, les r\u00e9ponses institutionnelles ne cherchent pas \u00e0 refonder un \u00ab\u2009pluralisme des normes\u2009\u00bb encore tr\u00e8s hi\u00e9rarchis\u00e9. Inform\u00e9s par une \u00e9cologie politique des savoirs reconvoquant la force \u00e9mancipatrice du \u00ab\u2009futur proche\u2009\u00bb (Guyer, 2007), on revient sur les implications d\u2019une revalorisation des savoirs \u00ab\u2009minor\u00e9s\u2009\u00bb (indig\u00e8nes) avant de proc\u00e9der \u00e0 une \u00e9valuation critique \u2013 c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire fond\u00e9e sur la logique \u00ab\u2009pluriversaliste\u2009\u00bb (Escobar, 2018\u2009; Kothari et al., 2019) \u2013 des politiques d\u2019adaptation actuelles. <\/p>\n\n

Prendre le large\u2009! R\u00e9inventer la r\u00e9silience par la valorisation des savoirs vernaculaires <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

L\u2019Afrique de l\u2019Ouest en g\u00e9n\u00e9ral et le S\u00e9n\u00e9gal en particulier ont subi les effets des philosophies r\u00e9formatrices (d\u00e9centralisation et gouvernance) \u00e0 partir des ann\u00e9es 1970-1980. Au moment o\u00f9 les communaut\u00e9s africaines sortaient du \u00ab\u2009chaos\u2009\u00bb (et non du \u00ab\u2009n\u00e9ant\u2009\u00bb), les principes d\u2019organisation auraient d\u00fb \u00e9merger de l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 (et non de l\u2019ext\u00e9rieur) (Le Roy, 1999). Les r\u00e9formes issues de ces politiques ont de fait perturb\u00e9 le fonctionnement des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s traditionnelles au lieu de les consolider. Ces derni\u00e8res ont perdu leur l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 face \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9mergence de structures bureaucratiques produites par les r\u00e9formes territoriales import\u00e9es d\u2019une autre culture. Fortement influenc\u00e9es par l\u2019Occident, les institutions du d\u00e9veloppement ont d\u00e8s lors symbolis\u00e9 la force \u00ab\u2009providentielle\u2009\u00bb organisatrice du vide originel (Le Roy, 1999). Elles ont ainsi bloqu\u00e9 l\u2019entretien et le d\u00e9veloppement des savoirs traditionnels ou vernaculaires dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s africaines (un \u00ab\u2009trop-plein\u2009\u00bb que les politiques de d\u00e9veloppement import\u00e9es de l\u2019Occident ne pouvaient voir). <\/p>\n\n

\n

\u201cReinventing the future was therefore not self-evident, and such an undertaking required boldness. It was a matter of inventing anew, since the future already seemed a foregone conclusion. Its places and spaces were mapped out, the paths leading to them and the meadows where they could graze were precisely signposted. The ideal image of the future was supposed to be available in Western Europe and North America\u201d (Sarr, 2016).<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

Aujourd\u2019hui, face aux d\u00e9fis \u00e9cologiques et climatiques et au relatif \u00e9chec des politiques d\u2019adaptation (Renou et al., 2021), il est n\u00e9cessaire de r\u00e9inventer les strat\u00e9gies d\u2019action collective dans l\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal. Mais cette volont\u00e9 doit \u00e9viter l\u2019appropriation t\u00e9l\u00e9ologique syst\u00e9matique de trajectoires emprunt\u00e9es et inadapt\u00e9es aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s sociales, \u00e9conomiques et culturelles du territoire \u00e0 r\u00e9inventer. <\/p>\n\n

Pour infl\u00e9chir la trajectoire non soutenable de gouvernance des risques hydrologiques dans l\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal, il semble n\u00e9cessaire d\u2019\u00ab\u2009enfanter des formes de sa propre contemporan\u00e9it\u00e9\u2009\u00bb (Sarr, 2016). Le fait de se limiter \u00e0 l\u2019imitation servile de mod\u00e8les \u00e9labor\u00e9s en fonction des imp\u00e9ratifs qui refusent les r\u00e9alit\u00e9s locales risquerait de produire de l\u2019extraversion, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire de l\u2019ali\u00e9nation. Au contraire, une innovation politique comprise et port\u00e9e notamment par une dynamique endog\u00e8ne \u00e9quilibr\u00e9e (c.-\u00e0-d. mobilisant conjointement les savoirs vernaculaires et modernes) selon une logique de \u00ab\u2009mission collective\u2009\u00bb g\u00e9n\u00e9ratrice de cr\u00e9ativit\u00e9s (Bello-Bravo, 2020) saura s\u2019accommoder avec les exigences universelles de libert\u00e9 et de dignit\u00e9 humaines (Ndoye, 2015). <\/p>\n\n

Une telle perspective n\u00e9cessite d\u2019\u00eatre au clair sur les notions de savoirs \u00ab\u2009indig\u00e8nes\u2009\u00bb et \u00ab\u2009modernes\u2009\u00bb. Dans les ann\u00e9es 1950, les travaux en ethnosciences combin\u00e9s aux travaux de Claude L\u00e9vy-Strauss (1962) avaient d\u00e9montr\u00e9 que les savoirs vernaculaires sont une construction intellectuelle et ne se r\u00e9duisent pas uniquement \u00e0 une praxis issue de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience empirique. En effet, ils s\u2019\u00e9laborent dans un mouvement de mobilisation conjointe d\u2019unit\u00e9s d\u2019information de types tr\u00e8s divers issues de l\u2019exp\u00e9rience, de raisonnements abstraits relevant de la g\u00e9om\u00e9trie, de la physique, de la biologie, etc., de r\u00e9flexions d\u2019ordre philosophique, de la spiritualit\u00e9 individuelle et collective, de croyances, de r\u00eaves et d\u2019\u00e9motions qui, ensemble, forment ces savoirs (Agrawal, 1995\u2009; Collignon, 2005). Ils sont subjectifs, contextualis\u00e9s et pluriels et renvoient \u00e0 l\u2019expression des cultures singuli\u00e8res. Ce qui les diff\u00e9rencie des savoirs scientifiques, c\u2019est le fait qu\u2019ils ne reposent pas sur une d\u00e9marche analytique. M\u00eame si des exp\u00e9riences sont n\u00e9cessaires, il ne s\u2019agira pas de chercher la v\u00e9racit\u00e9 des \u00e9l\u00e9ments qui font son exp\u00e9rience. La v\u00e9rification n\u2019est pas syst\u00e9mique. Sa validit\u00e9 est appr\u00e9ci\u00e9e sur la base de sa coh\u00e9rence et de son efficacit\u00e9 et non sur l\u2019exactitude des unit\u00e9s d\u2019informations qui seront mobilis\u00e9es. Comme ils incorporent dans leurs d\u00e9marches des \u00e9motions ou des r\u00eaves, il est difficile de faire de la th\u00e9orisation sur ces derniers. Leur antonyme, les savoirs savants, sont discursifs et formalis\u00e9s \u00e0 travers des approches th\u00e9oriques. Ils visent l\u2019objectivation, la communicabilit\u00e9, et aspirent \u00e0 l\u2019universalit\u00e9 (Collignon, 2005). <\/p>\n\n

\u00ab\u2009Prendre le large\u2009\u00bb en revalorisant les savoirs indig\u00e8nes n\u2019est donc pas chose ais\u00e9e\u2009: un tel processus va n\u00e9cessiter, dans un premier temps, la n\u00e9gociation de transitions socio-institutionnelles respectant la non-commensurabilit\u00e9 des savoirs \u00e0 l\u2019\u0153uvre (indig\u00e8nes et experts), mais n\u2019excluant pas l\u2019\u00e9mergence de solutions soutenables de leur \u00e9ventuelle mise en regard. Bello-Bravo (2020) parle \u00e0 cet \u00e9gard de \u00ab\u2009mission collective\u2009\u00bb[11].<\/a><\/sup> Instruits d\u2019une telle perspective et tirant les conclusions des \u00e9checs des programmes et r\u00e9formes ant\u00e9rieures en Afrique, nous proposons d\u2019analyser comment les experts s\u00e9n\u00e9galais envisagent de piloter les transitions socio-institutionnelles dans l\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal et, en particulier dans la r\u00e9gion du Gandiol. Il s\u2019agit alors de consid\u00e9rer la place et la port\u00e9e des savoirs des communaut\u00e9s indig\u00e8nes dans un tel processus. <\/p>\n\n

Des strat\u00e9gies territoriales (toujours) ali\u00e9n\u00e9es\u2009: la prospective gandiolaise<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

Sy et al. (2015) ont propos\u00e9 deux sc\u00e9narios de gouvernance de la zone du Gandiol soumise \u00e0 une accumulation de risques hydrauliques et les ont mis en perspective en mobilisant diff\u00e9rents crit\u00e8res[12<\/a>], dont la s\u00e9v\u00e9rit\u00e9 de l\u2019impact donne lieu \u00e0 une quantification allant de 4 (forte) \u00e0 1 (faible). Il est admis que le sc\u00e9nario de stabilisation aura un impact fort sur l\u2019\u00e9quilibre naturel de la Langue de Barbarie. Les op\u00e9rations qui pourraient \u00eatre mises en \u0153uvre auraient un faible impact sur la gestion de l\u2019\u00e9rosion si la stabilisation ne s\u2019accompagne pas de dragage et d\u2019actions de protection des villages. Le co\u00fbt d\u2019un tel investissement serait donc assez \u00e9lev\u00e9 au regard des moyens logistiques techniques et financiers n\u00e9cessaires. Cela implique \u00e9galement des co\u00fbts r\u00e9currents li\u00e9s \u00e0 l\u2019entretien et \u00e0 l\u2019exploitation des ouvrages pr\u00e9conis\u00e9s. Le sc\u00e9nario d\u2019\u00e9volution naturelle aurait un impact jug\u00e9 tr\u00e8s faible sur l\u2019\u00e9quilibre de la Langue de Barbarie. Cependant, cette option augure une \u00e9rosion rapide au droit des villages du Gandiol. Elle devrait ainsi s\u2019accompagner de mesures de protection souples (cordons pierreux lat\u00e9raux de plage) et de d\u00e9placement de population. L\u2019investissement li\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019application d\u2019un tel sc\u00e9nario n\u00e9cessite des moyens plus soutenables financi\u00e8rement. <\/p>\n\n

Au regard des impacts n\u00e9gatifs sur l\u2019\u00e9quilibre naturel de la Langue de Barbarie et de la lourdeur des moyens techniques et financiers n\u00e9cessaires, le sc\u00e9nario de stabilisation de la br\u00e8che semble d\u00e9conseill\u00e9. En partant de l\u2019analyse et de l\u2019\u00e9valuation des effets attendus de chaque sc\u00e9nario, l\u2019\u00e9tude de Sy et al. (2015) recommande l\u2019application du sc\u00e9nario d\u2019\u00e9volution naturelle\u2009: \u00ab\u2009laisser la br\u00e8che \u00e9voluer naturellement\u2009\u00bb jusqu\u2019\u00e0 ce que la Langue de Barbarie retrouve son \u00e9quilibre (voir tableau 3). <\/p>\n\n

Accompagner ce processus par la conception de strat\u00e9gies souples pour minimiser la vitesse de recul de la falaise du cordon vif devient d\u00e8s lors primordial. Les recommandations li\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019application du sc\u00e9nario d\u2019\u00e9volution naturelle ont fait l\u2019objet d\u2019une proposition d\u00e9taill\u00e9e, dont notamment le recasement des personnes les plus expos\u00e9es (autour de 200 foyers selon les premi\u00e8res estimations). Ce processus doit \u00eatre \u00ab\u2009accompagn\u00e9\u2009\u00bb par la mobilisation d\u2019une diversit\u00e9 de parties prenantes, parmi lesquelles figurent a priori les communaut\u00e9s locales. Pour une mise en \u0153uvre correcte des activit\u00e9s li\u00e9es au suivi des recommandations de l\u2019\u00e9tude et afin d\u2019anticiper les impacts n\u00e9gatifs de l\u2019\u00e9volution de la br\u00e8che, des \u00ab\u2009arrangements institutionnels\u2009\u00bb sont n\u00e9cessaires. Ainsi, il s\u2019agit de \u00ab\u2009cr\u00e9er une synergie inter-institutionnelle pour prendre en charge les questions li\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019assistance technique et aux diff\u00e9rentes mesures d\u2019accompagnement\u2009\u00bb (Sy et al., 2015, p. 66). Dans le cadre d\u2019une planification op\u00e9rationnelle, la Direction de l\u2019environnement et des \u00e9tablissements class\u00e9s (DEEC) (y compris la Division r\u00e9gionale de l\u2019environnement et des \u00e9tablissements class\u00e9s (DREEC) de Saint-Louis) est appel\u00e9e \u00e0 travailler en partenariat \u00e9troit avec les services r\u00e9gionaux impliqu\u00e9s dans la gestion de la br\u00e8che. <\/p>\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n

Tableau 3. Une analyse comparative des deux sc\u00e9narios \u00e9tudi\u00e9s (d\u2019apr\u00e8s Sy et al., 2015). <\/strong><\/p>\n\n

Au nom de leur \u00ab\u2009s\u00e9curisation\u2009\u00bb, pr\u00e8s de 200 foyers particuli\u00e8rement vuln\u00e9rables devraient donc \u00eatre \u00ab\u2009relocalis\u00e9s\u2009\u00bb sous supervision d\u2019une diversit\u00e9 de parties prenantes, parmi lesquelles figurent des \u00ab\u2009communaut\u00e9s autochtones\u2009\u00bb. Ce processus semble toutefois largement h\u00e9rit\u00e9 d\u2019une pens\u00e9e am\u00e9nagiste impr\u00e9gn\u00e9e de savoirs \u00ab\u2009modernes\u2009\u00bb (prot\u00e9ger les int\u00e9r\u00eats touristiques) marginalisant les savoirs indig\u00e8nes et faisant de leurs d\u00e9positaires des cibles devant \u00eatre \u00ab\u2009sensibilis\u00e9es\u2009\u00bb, \u00ab\u2009inform\u00e9es\u2009\u00bb, \u00ab\u2009surveill\u00e9es\u2009\u00bb\u2026 On semble donc tr\u00e8s loin de l\u2019esprit dont se r\u00e9clame la \u00ab\u2009mission collective\u2009\u00bb (Bello-Bravo, 2020) devant g\u00e9n\u00e9rer une cr\u00e9ativit\u00e9 revalorisant les savoirs indig\u00e8nes aux c\u00f4t\u00e9s des savoirs \u00ab\u2009modernes\u2009\u00bb. Plus g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement, la d\u00e9marche expos\u00e9e semble plus impr\u00e9gn\u00e9e d\u2019un \u00ab\u2009pluralisme de r\u00e9gulation\u2009\u00bb consid\u00e9rant le r\u00e9el comme donn\u00e9 et assignant de mani\u00e8re in\u00e9galitaire des savoirs \u00e0 des acteurs qu\u2019il s\u2019agit de gouverner que d\u2019un \u00ab\u2009pluralisme de la confrontation\u2009\u00bb prenant acte de l\u2019ins\u00e9paration et de l\u2019irr\u00e9ductibilit\u00e9 \u00ab\u2009de savoirs qu\u2019il s\u2019agit de faire \u00e9voluer en les mobilisant conjointement dans la production d\u2019un r\u00e9el renouvel\u00e9\u2009\u00bb (Bello-Bravo, 2020). C\u2019est ce \u00e0 quoi invite le pluriversalisme. <\/p>\n\n

Futur proche et pratiques quotidiennes pluriversalistes\u2009 : le pouvoir liant des savoirs indig\u00e8nes<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

The articulation of the multiplicity of diversified and incommensurable knowledge is mostly thought of in terms of pluralism. Our analysis invites a distancing of this notion\u2014 even when it is thought in the advanced form of a \u201cregulatory pluralism\u201d (Papazian & d\u2019Aquino, 2017). Stimulatingly, this perspective, however, continues to be placed within a \u201cpluralism of juxtaposition\u201d[13]<\/sup><\/a> that misses inter- and cross-cultural dialogue (Lopez, 2017). To put it succinctly, we need to move from pluralism to pluriversalism[14]<\/sup><\/a> (Kothari et al., 2019). <\/p>\n\n

Notons cependant que ces strat\u00e9gies transitionnelles ne peuvent \u00e9merger que si elles se confrontent aux rapports de force h\u00e9rit\u00e9s de politiques de d\u00e9veloppement in\u00e9galitaires et qu\u2019elles engagent des \u00ab\u2009luttes politiques ontologiques\u2009\u00bb (Howitt & Suchet-Preaston, 2003\u2009; Escobar, 2018) relatives aux fronti\u00e8res et aux entit\u00e9s constituantes du r\u00e9el. Ce r\u00e9\u00e9quilibrage de rapports sociaux asym\u00e9triques est essentiel afin d\u2019alimenter un \u00e9ventuel \u00ab\u2009travail politique des \u00e9carts\u2009\u00bb (Jullien, 2018) ou des \u00ab\u2009contraires\u2009\u00bb susceptible de cr\u00e9er de l\u2019ins\u00e9paration et de faire \u00e9merger de nouveaux \u00ab\u2009communs\u2009\u00bb (Mbembe, 2017). <\/p>\n\n

Pour s\u2019ancrer dans le r\u00e9el, une telle perspective analytique ne peut se passer d\u2019une r\u00e9flexion sur les temporalit\u00e9s (Kolinjivadi et al., 2020)\u2009: comme l\u2019ont montr\u00e9 de nombreux analystes, le tournant n\u00e9olib\u00e9ral de la fin du vingti\u00e8me si\u00e8cle s\u2019est en effet accompagn\u00e9 d\u2019une \u00e9viction du futur proche au profit d\u2019une polarisation sur l\u2019hyperpr\u00e9sent et le long terme (Guyer, 2007). Pour sortir d\u2019une \u00ab\u2009temporalit\u00e9 de dates\u2009\u00bb renfor\u00e7ant les logiques de r\u00e9gulations fond\u00e9es sur la reconnaissance de \u00ab\u2009dettes multiples\u2009\u00bb (Guyer, 2007), il convient de faire r\u00e9affleurer l\u2019inou\u00ef (Jullien, 2018) ou les absences enfouies (Santos, 2011\u2009; Mbembe, 2017) et de faire \u00e9merger, par la reconnaissance et la consolidation de pratiques ordinaires, un futur proche susceptible d\u2019aiguillonner le d\u00e9ploiement d\u2019un en-commun viable et solidaire. Si l\u2019on cerne bien tous les avantages d\u2019une conception potentialisante venant se substituer \u00e0 une vision r\u00e9ifiante du r\u00e9el, il convient d\u2019\u00eatre plus pr\u00e9cis sur les modalit\u00e9s concr\u00e8tes qui peuvent permettre de r\u00e9articuler la fl\u00e8che du temps (du pass\u00e9 finissant au futur proche\u2009: Whyte, 2019\u2009; Howitt, 2020). <\/p>\n\n

On the basis of the materials collected in our study, it is possible to identify an analytical sequence articulating the recognition of historical depth, the strengthening of systemic coherence and the consolidation of the operative relevance of vernacular knowledge\/ practices. Indeed, as we have seen, Gandiol is an ancient territory. Unfortunately, the knowledge held for a long time by its inhabitants seems to be only scantily heard. In 2017, an informant\u2014a Gandiol local elected official and resident\u2014recounted: <\/p>\n\n

\n

In 2003, no one asked us about anything. We wanted to get organized before the breach opened in 33 villages around the mouth of the Senegal River. We were thinking about the possibility of flooding some marigots (swamps) that had dried up because of the drought. But the central government, its experts, collaborators (e.g. OMVS) and deconcentrated services (e.g., Direction de l\u2019environnement, Gouvernorat de Saint-Louis and others), at the local level, did not provide a framework for dialogue designed to share knowledge, visions and insights on hydroclimatic hazard management. They do not value our knowledge. Because it is not scientific or rational. We can\u2019t give our opinion, unfortunately. And yet we are the most exposed and vulnerable. Secondly, our knowledge is not necessarily scientific, but it certainly is operational. Because we live the situation on a day-to- day basis and we learn by experience. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

Dans le cadre d\u2019un travail doctoral, nous avons prolong\u00e9 cette perspective analytique en travaillant avec les anciens habitants d\u2019un ancien village de Gandiol. Il s\u2019agit de la communaut\u00e9 villageoise de Doun Baba Di\u00e8ye, village qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9truit \u00e0 la suite de l\u2019am\u00e9nagement de la br\u00e8che de 2003. Les savoirs incorpor\u00e9s et transmis de mani\u00e8re interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnelle entre les \u00ab\u2009sentinelles\u2009\u00bb de la mer au sein de cette communaut\u00e9 ont un caract\u00e8re op\u00e9ratoire qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 progressivement reconnu et mis en acte. Ainsi, Baba Di\u00e8ye Diagne[15]<\/a> s\u2019est install\u00e9 sur l\u2019\u00eele devenue fran\u00e7aise[16]<\/a>. Il avait l\u2019obligation de continuer la mission que les Fran\u00e7ais avaient confi\u00e9e \u00e0 ses parents\u2009: il s\u2019agissait de sonder la barre au niveau de l\u2019embouchure et de contr\u00f4ler l\u2019entr\u00e9e des bateaux. Dot\u00e9 de connaissances en g\u00e9omorphologie et en hydrologie, il r\u00e9pondait aux besoins sp\u00e9cifiques de cette mission strat\u00e9gique et importante pour le pouvoir colonial. Ses connaissances sur l\u2019estuaire du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal ont ainsi servi l\u2019autorit\u00e9 coloniale et ont \u00e9t\u00e9 transmises de mani\u00e8re transg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnelle. Par exemple, pendant un s\u00e9jour sur le terrain, un informateur nomm\u00e9 Birane, chef traditionnel \u00e2g\u00e9 d\u2019une cinquantaine d\u2019ann\u00e9es, disait\u2009: <\/p>\n\n

\n

Nous sommes en mesure de cartographier les sites de l\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal vuln\u00e9rables face aux inondations r\u00e9p\u00e9t\u00e9es \u00e0 Saint-Louis. Une fois, ces zones identifi\u00e9es, nous pouvons travailler avec le pouvoir central et l\u2019ensemble des services d\u00e9concentr\u00e9s, pour mieux pr\u00e9parer et articuler le dispositif de riposte contre les al\u00e9as naturels, dans un contexte de changement climatique. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

Il est le fils de l\u2019un des h\u00e9ritiers successeurs, remarqu\u00e9 pour la robustesse des connaissances d\u00e9tenues. Il avait fait savoir aux autorit\u00e9s que les populations de Gandiol encouraient de graves dangers si une br\u00e8che \u00e9tait ouverte en 2003 sur le cordon littoral. Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 l\u2019exp\u00e9rience h\u00e9rit\u00e9e de son anc\u00eatre Baba Di\u00e8ye Diagne, il savait en effet que le cordon littoral servait de rempart entre la houle et la rive de son village Doun Baba Di\u00e8ye. Il a \u00e9t\u00e9 menac\u00e9 par les autorit\u00e9s publiques qui ne voulaient rien entendre et, \u00e0 son d\u00e9c\u00e8s, a \u00e9t\u00e9 remplac\u00e9 par son fils Ameth Sene Diagne. Tous deux ont accumul\u00e9 des exp\u00e9riences \u00e9cologiques pouvant (re)f\u00e9conder de possibles imaginaires, g\u00e9n\u00e9reux et optimistes, susceptibles de panser la m\u00e9moire heurt\u00e9e des communaut\u00e9s. Ameth Sene Diagne disait que les communaut\u00e9s, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 leurs savoirs pratiques, pouvaient consolider le cordon littoral de l\u2019estuaire en accompagnant une restauration des bandes de filaos sur la langue de Barbarie. Ainsi, les dunes seraient fix\u00e9es et prot\u00e9geraient le littoral contre les risques de submersion marine. Il disait \u00e9galement qu\u2019il \u00e9tait possible de se fonder sur les observations lunaires pour pr\u00e9ciser le niveau de la mer attendu et d\u2019avoir recours au calendrier wolof afin de disposer d\u2019un corpus d\u2019observations enrichi. <\/p>\n\n

En pleine immersion dans le Parc national de la Langue de Barbarie \u00e0 Saint-Louis, nous avons \u00e9galement convers\u00e9 autour d\u2019un th\u00e9 avec des \u00e9co-gardes et une stagiaire de l\u2019universit\u00e9 de Dakar. Ils avancent ainsi\u2009: <\/p>\n\n

\n

Nous travaillons sur la protection de la biodiversit\u00e9 et la pr\u00e9servation des eaux. Il est tout \u00e0 fait possible de formuler des strat\u00e9gies adaptatives pour la protection du vivant face aux crises environnementales qui nous menacent. Ensuite, certaines esp\u00e8ces animales organisent naturellement leurs \u00e9cosyst\u00e8mes pour faire face aux al\u00e9as et extr\u00eames climatiques. Nous sommes en mesure de les identifier et de documenter avec les autorit\u00e9s et partenaires techniques leurs strat\u00e9gies d\u2019adaptation. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

Avant de poursuivre\u2009:<\/p>\n\n

\n

\u00ab\u2009Il est tout \u00e0 fait possible d\u2019identifier et de classer les diff\u00e9rents d\u00e9versoirs naturels d\u2019eau dans l\u2019estuaire du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal. Ces derniers sont n\u00e9cessaires pour \u00e9vacuer le trop-plein du fleuve pendant la saison des pluies. Certains d\u00e9versoirs se sont m\u00eame ass\u00e9ch\u00e9s et ils sont rep\u00e9rables. Avec l\u2019accompagnement des services d\u00e9concentr\u00e9s et autorit\u00e9s locales comp\u00e9tentes, nous pouvons mettre en place un atlas des d\u00e9versoirs possibles du fleuve S\u00e9n\u00e9gal\u2009\u00bb. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n

During the colonial governance and after independence, indigenous knowledge\u2014 admittedly embedded in relationships of cultural domination\u2014seems to have been recognized and maintained by the French authorities in order to consolidate the fixation of the coastal strip that protected Saint-Louis. The post-colonial period, which has not been cleansed of coloniality in its relationship with the powers and knowledge that have shaped the new configuration of globalisation (the neo-liberal turn), has contributed to their gradual devaluation. \u201cDoing them justice\u201d therefore implies not only recognizing their historical depth and consolidating their systemic coherence, but also making them \u201ccohabit\u201d with other knowledge in order to consolidate the operative dimension of their implementation[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ultimately, it is a case of rethinking new strategies for territorial coordination, oriented towards a shared near future and covering the diversity of hydrological risks accumulated upstream and downstream of the estuary zone (Ba 2019 and 2020). A cosmopolitan perspective (Mignolo 2015) can then be endorsed in order to draw on a diversity of practices and methods that are currently flourishing in a plurality of territories (Howitt and Suchet-Preaston 2006; Chen et al. 2018; Whyte et al. 2019; Bello- Bravo 2020). <\/p>\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n

Dans une r\u00e9gion frapp\u00e9e par une accumulation des risques hydrologiques (inondations, s\u00e9cheresses, submersions marines, crises \u00e9rosives des plages) face \u00e0 laquelle les \u00ab\u2009politiques du d\u00e9sastre\u2009\u00bb (Dill & Pelling, 2010) ne sont pas parvenues \u00e0 sp\u00e9cifier des actions adaptatives \u00e0 m\u00eame d\u2019infl\u00e9chir la trajectoire de d\u00e9veloppement h\u00e9rit\u00e9e, une d\u00e9colonisation des imaginaires environnementaux port\u00e9s par la pluralit\u00e9 des protagonistes impliqu\u00e9s semble n\u00e9cessaire. Concr\u00e8tement, il s\u2019agit de piloter la lente \u00e9mergence d\u2019une \u00ab\u2009mission collaborative\u2009\u00bb \u00e0 m\u00eame d\u2019organiser la \u00ab\u2009fertilisation crois\u00e9e\u2009\u00bb d\u2019une pluralit\u00e9 de connaissances (savoirs et connaissances codifi\u00e9s, r\u00e9cits oraux, mythes, sagesses populaires) et d\u2019offrir une hospitalit\u00e9 \u00e0 de nouveaux savoirs. Th\u00e9oriquement, cela implique de basculer d\u2019une conception \u00ab\u2009r\u00e9ifiante\u2009\u00bb du r\u00e9el fond\u00e9e sur une objectivation des savoirs et une assignation des positions vers une conception \u00ab\u2009potentialisante\u2009\u00bb. Cette derni\u00e8re doit permettre d\u2019organiser pratiquement la confrontation des savoirs pluriels peuplant le r\u00e9el ainsi que la n\u00e9gociation des positions respectives des parties prenantes engag\u00e9es dans la co-production de sc\u00e8nes adaptatives. Il s\u2019agit donc d\u2019\u0153uvrer conjointement \u00e0 un \u00ab\u2009travail politique des \u00e9carts\u2009\u00bb s\u00e9curisant une trajectoire de communalisation des territoires v\u00e9cus (Jullien, 2018\u2009; Renou, 2019). <\/p>\n\n

Afin de relier le \u00ab\u2009pass\u00e9 finissant\u2009\u00bb et le \u00ab\u2009futur proche\u2009\u00bb et ainsi \u0153uvrer \u00e0 une r\u00e9appropriation de leur avenir par une pluralit\u00e9 de protagonistes, nous plaidons donc en faveur d\u2019une \u00e9cologie politique des savoirs qui parte du principe d\u2019\u00e9gale condition des diff\u00e9rentes formes de savoirs et des mani\u00e8res de conna\u00eetre. Actant de leur incommensurabilit\u00e9, il s\u2019agit de les concevoir dans une \u00e9cologie o\u00f9 elles interagissent, se confrontent, se compl\u00e8tent et, in fine, se nourrissent (Sarr, 2017). Notre \u00e9tude invite ainsi \u00e0 \u00e9cologiser \u00ab\u2009les absences et les \u00e9mergences\u2009\u00bb (Santos, 2011) afin de faire \u00e9voluer les pratiques de la coalition dominante (experts et pouvoirs politiques) et d\u2019\u0153uvrer \u00e0 un r\u00e9\u00e9quilibrage des rapports sociaux et des relations de pouvoir qui les constituent. <\/p>\n\n

Une telle perspective appelle \u00e0 refonder de mani\u00e8re critique et cr\u00e9ative la trajectoire de d\u00e9veloppement de la r\u00e9gion de Saint-Louis (Sarr, 2017). Plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment, il nous semble que l\u2019av\u00e8nement de pratiques d\u2019autod\u00e9termination fond\u00e9es sur une \u00e9cologie politique des savoirs (Forsyth & Evans, 2013) est susceptible de rendre \u00ab\u2009gouvernables\u2009\u00bb de futures transitions socioinstitutionnelles (Brown et al., 2018\u2009; Renou, 2019). Des exp\u00e9riences localis\u00e9es permettent d\u2019ores et d\u00e9j\u00e0 de comprendre comment sortir progressivement d\u2019un syst\u00e8me dissipatif \u2013 en ce sens que les ressources externes dont il a besoin pour perdurer ne sont pas capitalis\u00e9es dans le processus de reproduction locale du territoire \u2013 pour concr\u00e9tiser une territorialit\u00e9 inclusive fond\u00e9e sur un futur proche et indig\u00e9n\u00e9is\u00e9 (Bertoncin et al., 2009). Si l\u2019horizon d\u2019action est esquiss\u00e9, les chemins en \u00e9mergence sont \u00e9galement pav\u00e9s d\u2019obstacles de diverses natures (technico-\u00e9conomiques, politico-institutionnels, socio-culturels, etc.). Il convient d\u00e8s lors de r\u00e9insister sur le premier pas \u00e0 r\u00e9aliser afin de \u00ab\u2009rendre justice \u00e0 ce qui est\u2009\u00bb (Chanial 2016)\u2009: reconna\u00eetre, prendre soin et entretenir par la pratique les savoirs vernaculaires \u00ab\u2009communalisant\u2009\u00bb les milieux vitaux par et pour des communaut\u00e9s durables (Seck, 2017\u2009; Gibson-Graham et al., 2016). <\/p>\n\n

<\/p>\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":25,"featured_media":0,"template":"","meta":[],"series-categories":[1352],"cat-articles":[1015],"keywords":[1847,1848,1846],"ppma_author":[527,528],"class_list":["post-26837","series-issues","type-series-issues","status-publish","hentry","series-categories-numero-1","cat-articles-analyses-critiques","keywords-endogenous-vernacular-knowledge","keywords-gandiol","keywords-senegal-estuary","author-cheikh-abdoul-ahad-mbacke-ba-fr","author-yvan-renou-fr"],"yoast_head":"\nDecolonising the Politics of Climate Disasters in the Senegal Estuary: Adaptive Practices Between the \u201cVanishing Past\u201d and the \u201cNear Future\u201d | Global Africa<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.globalafricasciences.org\/issues\/numero-1\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Decolonising the Politics of Climate Disasters in the Senegal Estuary: Adaptive Practices Between the \u201cVanishing Past\u201d and the \u201cNear Future\u201d | Global Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The governance of coastal zones has been on the agenda of major international organisations since the end of the twentieth century (Bill\u00e9 et al., 2006, 2007), and, with the rise of the climate change issue, has become an object of study of the highest order (Rockstrom et al., 2009; IPCC, 2014; Steffen et al., 2015). Coastal areas are highly populated areas characterised by a marked increase in socio-economic inequalities (Gupta & Bavinck, 2017). They constitute a set of vulnerable socio-ecosystems threatened by a number of risks: rising sea levels, changes in currents, winds and waves, acculturation dynamics and possible \u201cmaladaptation\u201d policies (Grinsted et al., 2009; Magnan et al., 2016) developed in the name of securing potentially affected territories[1]. In the north of Senegal, the Senegal River estuary has become one of the areas where hydrological risks accumulate and is under particular scrutiny due to the anthropisation dynamics at work (Sy et al., 2015; Ballouche et al., 2019), besides the impacts of climate change (Vedeld & Coly 2015; Ba, 2019). The analysis of the governance of these consequences, which involves a complex interplay of different dimensions due to the deployment of various development policies within and between the states sharing the Senegal River waters since independence, directly challenges social sciences: what collective action models should be deployed in order to make the estuarine zone development trajectory sustainable? More specifically, as the decisions taken in response to the disastrous consequences of the opening of a breach in the Langue de Barbarie in 2003 have not been taking into account the fact that it did not constitute a \u201cdisruptive\u201d episode (Parsons et al., 2019) likely to reorient the management of the estuarine system (or even worsen the situation), it is proposed that the nature of the changes to be made to the estuarine zone governance in order to make it more \u201cresilient\u201d be questioned (Pelling & Blackburn, 2013). Such a problem approach requires the development of a multi-scalar, spatial and temporal analysis, while taking the city of Saint-Louis as the central level and deploying infra-urban (Ndiaye governance) and supra- urban (Senegal estuary governance) analyses around it. Beyond this methodological challenge, it is a matter of mobilizing the approach based on the \u201cpolitics of disaster\u201d (Dill & Pelling, 2010) in order to shed light on the inertial logics at work and identify the means of resolving them. This approach seems essential to us insofar as it seeks to understand environmental disasters as socio-political constructs: I) whose occurrence can be understood with regard to the historical development trajectory of the socio-ecosystem under consideration, and II) which adaptive policies attempt to manage by constructing, in the face of the emergence of possible claims by the impacted populations, the socio-technical conditions for a secure future (in the short, medium and long term[2]). Based on a longitudinal study of the development dynamics of the estuary around Saint- Louis (see methodological box), we propose to extend the results produced by this approach by developing an analysis based on the temporalities conflict that affects protagonists in the region studied. Faced with the local and regional authorities\u2019 temporal framing, which is envisioned according to a logic that articulates the \u201cextended past\u201d and the \u201cdistant future\u201d[3], we will attempt to inform and shed analytical light on the ordinary practices that aim to link the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d in an inclusive manner (Guyer, 2008). The objective of this research is therefore to examine the strategies and modalities of action that make it possible to contain the wrongs associated with imported development logics (i.e. impregnated with expert rationality). In particular, it will be a matter of seeing to what extent and under what conditions it is possible to promote the emergence of \u201cindigenous\u201d logics (Makondo & Thomas, 2018) aimed at \u201chealing the en-common\u201d (common good) (Seck, 2017). Far from aiming to integrate this knowledge, which is deemed largely irreducible, it is more a case of thinking about the conditions for \u201crelationships-based\u201d collaborative action and potentially contributing to the emergence of viable and acceptable solutions (Lloyd et al., 2012; Sarr, 2017[4]). Such an analysis requires a thorough territorial understanding, positioned between the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d (Guyer, 2008) and a precise analysis of the tensions generated[5] by the play of spatiotemporal scales. In order to answer this question, we propose to unfold the Saint-Louis region\u2019s \u201curban scene\u201d (Decrop et al., 1997[6]) in a multi-scale perspective by proceeding with a geophysical and political-institutional characterisation of the territorial space concerned, and then by inserting the analysis of the urban between the infra (neighborhood) and supra (estuarine zone) levels. Postulating that transitional dynamics cannot do without a critical analysis of temporalities (Kolinjivadi et al., 2020), we will redeploy the arrow of time (Howitt, 2020) in order to identify strategies for decolonizing the Anthropocene and indigenising the near future (Whyte, 2017). Encadr\u00e9 m\u00e9thodologique The empirical data used in this article are derived from field surveys conducted during a period of \u201cobservatory residence\u201d in the Senegal River estuary. The approach used is qualitative[7]. Qualitative methods do not aim to produce representative data, i.e. data that can be generalized to a social group. Qualitative research is particularly appropriate when the social phenomena observed are difficult to measure (Sawadago, 2020). This article is part of this perspective: it aims to decipher the alternative knowledge held by local communities living in the Senegal River estuary. From this perspective, it is difficult to measure informants\u2019 perceptions, imaginaries, myths, dreams, and cosmogonies. What matters most is to try to understand and grasp their meaning and symbolism. Thus, semi- structured interviews were used to inform our interview matrix (Table 1). Tableau 1. L\u2019\u00e9chantillon de la matrice d\u2019entretien (Ba, 2020). Pour am\u00e9liorer ce mat\u00e9riel, nous avons r\u00e9alis\u00e9 des focus groups. Ces derniers sont des discussions ouvertes qui se d\u00e9roulent en suivant une s\u00e9rie de questions jug\u00e9es percutantes adress\u00e9e \u00e0 des interlocuteurs. L\u2019objectif est de stimuler l\u2019interaction entre les participants (Kitzinger, 1994). \u00c0 la diff\u00e9rence des entretiens semi-directifs, ils permettent de valoriser\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.globalafricasciences.org\/issues\/numero-1\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Global Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/globalafricasciences\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-05-09T22:56:57+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.globalafricasciences.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/image-5.jpeg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"374\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"408\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"45 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.globalafricasciences.org\\\/issues\\\/numero-1\\\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.globalafricasciences.org\\\/issues\\\/numero-1\\\/decoloniser-les-politiques-du-desastre-climatique-dans-lestuaire-du-senegal-des-pratiques-adaptatives-entre-passe-finissant-et-futur-pro\\\/\",\"name\":\"Decolonising the Politics of Climate Disasters in the Senegal Estuary: Adaptive Practices Between the \u201cVanishing Past\u201d and the \u201cNear Future\u201d | Global 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Coastal areas are highly populated areas characterised by a marked increase in socio-economic inequalities (Gupta & Bavinck, 2017). They constitute a set of vulnerable socio-ecosystems threatened by a number of risks: rising sea levels, changes in currents, winds and waves, acculturation dynamics and possible \u201cmaladaptation\u201d policies (Grinsted et al., 2009; Magnan et al., 2016) developed in the name of securing potentially affected territories[1]. In the north of Senegal, the Senegal River estuary has become one of the areas where hydrological risks accumulate and is under particular scrutiny due to the anthropisation dynamics at work (Sy et al., 2015; Ballouche et al., 2019), besides the impacts of climate change (Vedeld & Coly 2015; Ba, 2019). The analysis of the governance of these consequences, which involves a complex interplay of different dimensions due to the deployment of various development policies within and between the states sharing the Senegal River waters since independence, directly challenges social sciences: what collective action models should be deployed in order to make the estuarine zone development trajectory sustainable? More specifically, as the decisions taken in response to the disastrous consequences of the opening of a breach in the Langue de Barbarie in 2003 have not been taking into account the fact that it did not constitute a \u201cdisruptive\u201d episode (Parsons et al., 2019) likely to reorient the management of the estuarine system (or even worsen the situation), it is proposed that the nature of the changes to be made to the estuarine zone governance in order to make it more \u201cresilient\u201d be questioned (Pelling & Blackburn, 2013). Such a problem approach requires the development of a multi-scalar, spatial and temporal analysis, while taking the city of Saint-Louis as the central level and deploying infra-urban (Ndiaye governance) and supra- urban (Senegal estuary governance) analyses around it. Beyond this methodological challenge, it is a matter of mobilizing the approach based on the \u201cpolitics of disaster\u201d (Dill & Pelling, 2010) in order to shed light on the inertial logics at work and identify the means of resolving them. This approach seems essential to us insofar as it seeks to understand environmental disasters as socio-political constructs: I) whose occurrence can be understood with regard to the historical development trajectory of the socio-ecosystem under consideration, and II) which adaptive policies attempt to manage by constructing, in the face of the emergence of possible claims by the impacted populations, the socio-technical conditions for a secure future (in the short, medium and long term[2]). Based on a longitudinal study of the development dynamics of the estuary around Saint- Louis (see methodological box), we propose to extend the results produced by this approach by developing an analysis based on the temporalities conflict that affects protagonists in the region studied. Faced with the local and regional authorities\u2019 temporal framing, which is envisioned according to a logic that articulates the \u201cextended past\u201d and the \u201cdistant future\u201d[3], we will attempt to inform and shed analytical light on the ordinary practices that aim to link the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d in an inclusive manner (Guyer, 2008). The objective of this research is therefore to examine the strategies and modalities of action that make it possible to contain the wrongs associated with imported development logics (i.e. impregnated with expert rationality). In particular, it will be a matter of seeing to what extent and under what conditions it is possible to promote the emergence of \u201cindigenous\u201d logics (Makondo & Thomas, 2018) aimed at \u201chealing the en-common\u201d (common good) (Seck, 2017). Far from aiming to integrate this knowledge, which is deemed largely irreducible, it is more a case of thinking about the conditions for \u201crelationships-based\u201d collaborative action and potentially contributing to the emergence of viable and acceptable solutions (Lloyd et al., 2012; Sarr, 2017[4]). Such an analysis requires a thorough territorial understanding, positioned between the \u201cvanishing past\u201d and the \u201cnear future\u201d (Guyer, 2008) and a precise analysis of the tensions generated[5] by the play of spatiotemporal scales. In order to answer this question, we propose to unfold the Saint-Louis region\u2019s \u201curban scene\u201d (Decrop et al., 1997[6]) in a multi-scale perspective by proceeding with a geophysical and political-institutional characterisation of the territorial space concerned, and then by inserting the analysis of the urban between the infra (neighborhood) and supra (estuarine zone) levels. Postulating that transitional dynamics cannot do without a critical analysis of temporalities (Kolinjivadi et al., 2020), we will redeploy the arrow of time (Howitt, 2020) in order to identify strategies for decolonizing the Anthropocene and indigenising the near future (Whyte, 2017). Encadr\u00e9 m\u00e9thodologique The empirical data used in this article are derived from field surveys conducted during a period of \u201cobservatory residence\u201d in the Senegal River estuary. The approach used is qualitative[7]. Qualitative methods do not aim to produce representative data, i.e. data that can be generalized to a social group. Qualitative research is particularly appropriate when the social phenomena observed are difficult to measure (Sawadago, 2020). This article is part of this perspective: it aims to decipher the alternative knowledge held by local communities living in the Senegal River estuary. From this perspective, it is difficult to measure informants\u2019 perceptions, imaginaries, myths, dreams, and cosmogonies. What matters most is to try to understand and grasp their meaning and symbolism. Thus, semi- structured interviews were used to inform our interview matrix (Table 1). Tableau 1. L\u2019\u00e9chantillon de la matrice d\u2019entretien (Ba, 2020). Pour am\u00e9liorer ce mat\u00e9riel, nous avons r\u00e9alis\u00e9 des focus groups. Ces derniers sont des discussions ouvertes qui se d\u00e9roulent en suivant une s\u00e9rie de questions jug\u00e9es percutantes adress\u00e9e \u00e0 des interlocuteurs. 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